Obama’s anti-Zionism has been nurtured over the years and cultivated through the left-wing crowd he always felt comfortable in.
by Daniel Pipes
Were Barack Obama reelected, I predicted two months before the November 2012 presidential vote, “the coldest treatment of Israel ever by a U.S. president will follow. Well, the election is over and that cold treatment is firmly in place. Obama has signaled in the past two months what lies ahead by:
Approving a huge gift of advanced weapons — 20 F-16 fighter jets and 200 M1A1 Abrams tanks — to the Islamist government in Egypt despite the fact that its president, Mohamed Morsi, has become increasingly despotic and in 2010 called Jews “blood-suckers . . . warmongers, the descendants of apes and pigs.”
Ignoring evidence that Cairo is importing Scud missile parts from North Korea.
Asked about Obama’s nomination of Hagel, Ed Koch, the former New York City mayor who despite his astringent criticism of Obama nonetheless endorsed him for reelection, offered an astonishing response: “I thought that there would come a time when [Obama] would renege on . . . his support of Israel [but this] comes a little earlier than I thought.” Even Obama’s pro-Israel supporters expected him to turn against the Jewish state.
These anti-Israel steps raise worries because they jibe with Obama’s early anti-Zionist views. We lack specifics, but we know that he studied with, befriended, socialized with, and encouraged Palestinian extremists. Take, for example, anti-Israel theorist Edward Said. A picture from 1998 shows Obama listening raptly to Said as he delivered the keynote speech at an Arab community event in Chicago. Or consider former PLO public-relations operative Rashid Khalidi, then Obama pal. In 2003, at an event to honor Khalidi, Obama sat idly by as speakers accused Israel of waging a terrorist campaign against Palestinians and compared “Zionist settlers on the West Bank” to Osama bin Laden. Ali Abunimah, an anti-Israel agitator, commended Obama in 2004 for “his call for an even-handed approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict,” code words for distancing the U.S. government from Israel. […….]
Abunimah also reveals that, starting in 2002, Obama toned down his anti-Israel rhetoric “as he planned his move from small-time Illinois politics to the national scene.” Obama made this explicit two years later, apologizing to Abunimah: “Hey, I’m sorry I haven’t said more about Palestine right now, but we are in a tough primary race. I’m hoping when things calm down I can be more up front.”
And Obama dutifully tacked in the pro-Israel direction, if in a cramped and reluctant manner (“I have to deal with him every day,” he complained about Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu). He supported Israel in its 2008–2009 and 2012 wars with Hamas. His administration called the Goldstone Report “deeply flawed” and backed Israel at the United Nations with lobbying efforts, votes, and vetoes. Armaments flowed. […….] When Ankara canceled Israeli participation in the 2009 “Anatolian Eagle” air-force exercise, the U.S. government pulled out in solidarity. If Obama created crises over Israeli housing starts, he eventually allowed these to simmer down.
Returning to the present: Netanyahu’s likely reelection as Israeli prime minister this week will mean continuity of leadership in both countries. But that does not imply continuity in U.S.-Israel relations; after a decade of political positioning, Obama is now freed from reelection constraints and can finally express his early anti-Zionist views. Watch for a markedly worse tone from the second Obama administration toward the third Netanyahu government.
I also predicted in September that “Israel’s troubles will really begin” should Obama win a second term. These troubles have begun; Jerusalem, brace for a rough four years.
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